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OR/MS Today - June 2003 Military OR The Netwar in Iraq U.S.-led Coalition's swift victory demonstrates that "in an information-rich environment, networks tend to defeat hierarchies." By Douglas A. Samuelson The U.S.-led Coalition's swift victory in Iraq was more than a military campaign. It was also a test of a new way of fighting wars, and fuel for a lively debate about some fundamental principles of strategy. Operations research played an important role in this major transformation of tactics, strategy and doctrine. Key elements of the new approach: Arthur Cebrowski, who recently retired as a vice admiral and director of the Department of Defense (DoD) Office of Force Transformation, told Jane's Defence Weekly that he expects analysis of operations in Iraq will reveal a "new air-land dynamic: the discovery of a new 'sweet spot' in the relationship between land and air warfare and a tighter integration of the two. The things that compel that are good sensors networked with good intelligence disseminated through a robust networking system, which then yields speed. Speed turns out to be a very, very important factor." In an early but comprehensive analysis prepared for the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), analyst Anthony Cordesman added, "Combined arms radically changed the timelines from the first Gulf War. The first war saw a 38-day air bombardment, much of which had to focus on suppressing the Iraqi Air Force and surface-level air defenses... [This time] ground and air operations began on Day One, and massive countrywide air and missile strikes against Iraqi leadership targets and ground forces began on Day Three versus Day Seven. In the first Gulf War, the ground advance forced Saddam to order the withdrawal of his forces from Kuwait on Day 41. In this war, U.S. forces had already moved the distance of the longest maneuver in the 1991 Gulf War in one quarter of the time. They advanced within 50 miles of Baghdad on Day Eight, entered Baghdad International Airport on Day 16, and were in the center of Baghdad on Day 20." Cordesman has been featured prominently as a commentator on military subjects for ABC News. He served formerly in the Departments of Defense, Energy and State, and as national security assistant to Sen. John McCain. He now holds the Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy at CSIS. He remarked recently that he "had some operations research in my past, many years ago," although he is best known for other areas of expertise. INFORMS members had the opportunity to see the transformation coming. James Roche, Secretary of the Air Force and recently nominated in an unprecedented "lateral move" to become Secretary of the Army, told participants at the INFORMS national meeting last November, "We'll deploy with reduced logistics tails, and we'll attack with improved range, payload, speed, maneuverability and precision. Borrowing from portfolio analysis, we will network these systems in ways that enable us to find, fix, track, target, engage and assess in timelines unimaginable just a few years ago." Secretary Roche also described a dramatic change in the relationship among the armed services. The close coordination in Iraq reflects the commitment to cross-training, joint planning, joint capabilities and elimination of inter-service rivalries discussed by Secretary Roche. "We will never build a single-purpose system again," Roche said. The Strategy Question If the military results from Iraq are clear, the strategic implications are not. Some commentators have been quick to discuss this war in terms of the "Rumsfeld Doctrine" (smaller, lighter, faster, more high-tech, more flexible military) versus the "Powell Doctrine" (begin with decisive force using more conventional means, and a clear, agreed objective). Cordesman dismissed this so-called "debate," pointing out that "Secretary Powell had never expressed any public views on the war plan or any detailed views dissenting from the force transformation planning going on under Rumsfeld.... Furthermore, Secretary Powell had helped institute many of the basic changes in U.S. military technology and tactics that made victory in the Gulf War possible when he was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. He supported a war plan in 1991 that was strikingly innovative. He had helped shape the force cuts that followed the end of the Cold War, and demonstrated quite clearly that he supported innovation and not a rigid adherence to doctrine." He also noted that it is far too early for any of Secretary Rumsfeld's preferences about force structure to have been implemented. Nevertheless, the evidence from Iraq is relevant to a real, ongoing debate within the strategy community. Col. Harry Summers, in his highly acclaimed analysis of the Vietnam War, emphasized adherence to a conventional-warfare doctrine as one of the primary contributors to the outcome. He quoted the U. S. Army Field Manual to show the focus, at that time, on meeting and defeating the enemy's main force in direct battle. Although he did not discuss the arguments by classical Chinese strategist Sun Tzu and 20th-century British strategist B. H. Liddell Hart that maneuver and surprise could destroy an enemy's will and capability to fight without direct conflict, the contrast was clear to readers familiar with the background. There was more to this controversy than met the eye. Liddell Hart repeatedly cited Clausewitz incorrectly, in some analysts' view as the principal advocate of the need to meet and defeat the enemy on the battlefield, in comparison to his own views on "indirect approach." Liddell Hart's revised (1967) second edition of his book, "Strategy," added a chapter on guerilla warfare. In that chapter, he pointedly stated that guerilla forces cannot succeed for long without the support of a regular army nearby. He seemed to be suggesting that the United States needed to isolate the battlefield in Vietnam, maintaining a clear separation between the Communist guerillas in the south and the North Vietnamese Army, and he hinted that he had briefed U.S. military leaders on this. Summers made the same point, along with observing that the United States lacked a well-defined agreed objective and kept itself on the strategic defensive. Summers' book was the War College study of the subject. His not citing Liddell Hart, therefore, may indicate that Liddell Hart's views were then in deep disfavor among U.S. military leaders. Summers showed his own opinion, however, via the anecdote with which he began his book: An American colonel, walking a battlefield with a North Vietnamese colonel after some postwar negotiations, commented, "You know, you never defeated us on the battlefield." He quoted the North Vietnamese colonel as replying, "That may be true, but it is also irrelevant." Thus the new American style of warfare does represent a significant change in thinking. The concept of "shock and awe," generally attributed to CSIS analyst Harlan Ullman in the mid-1990s, gives greater place to psychological effects than had been customary in U.S. analyses and planning. Another relatively new concept controversial when introduced in the mid-1990s but now apparently accepted is "netwar" or "net-centric warfare," introduced by John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt of the RAND Corporation. This refers to warfare heavily dependent on computer-based and rapidly communicated information. As they succinctly summarized their idea in 1997, "In an information-rich environment, networks tend to defeat hierarchies." The Coalition forces were networked, while Iraqi forces remained highly hierarchical. The concept that Arquilla said was at first "greeted with hoots and howls" seems to have been borne out in practice. Over the next few years, Arquilla and Ronfeldt expanded their work, developing a new warfighting doctrine, "swarm warfare," in which networks of small, light, highly mobile units quickly converge on targets and quickly disperse afterwards. This approach was extensively tested via simulation, war-gaming and other typical OR/MS methods. Apparently many of the lessons of this and other analyses influenced U.S. war planners and were implemented in Iraq. It is also important to recognize that all the theoretical insights incorporated in "swarm warfare" originated with operational experience. As Arquilla recounted in a recent PBS interview, "When I was working for the Central Command in the last Gulf War, it became very apparent to me that our biggest advantages came from what we knew and what our opponents didn't. On the spot, we cobbled together something called a Joint Surveillance and Target Acquisition Radar System (JSTARS). This allowed us to know exactly where the opponent was and how to strike him." (JSTARS is the targeting system the U.S. used in Afghanistan and Iraq.) The use of information to multiply force effectiveness has a parallel in logistics. Longtime readers of OR/MS Today may remember reading in 1995 about the civilian sector "substituting information for inventory." Along with improved capabilities to move resources and supplies quickly and precisely, this concept is another key part of the new U.S. military approach. For many years, ANSER, a defense-oriented research and development company in Arlington, Va., prominently displayed a sign in their headquarters office: "Amateurs discuss strategy and tactics. Professionals discuss logistics." Now, it seems, professionals need to focus on information and its uses, and strategy includes many elements directed at the enemy's communications and will to fight and, in time, with increasing effect, at his information resources. This phenomenon poses a particularly important and difficult challenge for OR/MS analysts. As Secretary Roche, who holds a master's degree in operations research from the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School, admonished the profession, "If OR is to be as highly regarded 50 years from now as it once was in the past, then it must return to the basics, like interdisciplinary teams dealing with incommensurables, and second- and third-order effects. For instance, we will never do a great job of understanding future battle space unless we return to our roots of balancing the quantifiable and non-quantifiable, as well as facts and probability distributions." Secretary Roche emphasized that OR analysts must expand their view: "War is not just a mechanical or scientific act," he told the INFORMS audience. "In practice, it is an art and science that operates in a foggy sea of strategy, politics and luck. I agree completely with Eliot Cohen in his new book where he argues that you cannot separate military strategy from international politics, and that war is not fought in isolation.... In business, managerial economics and decision theory explicitly account for preferences and hunches." (Among other observations, Cohen asserted that U.S. civilian leaders during the Vietnam War were too deeply involved in minor tactical decisions and too little involved in strategy.) Caution: New Problems Ahead With the improved way of warfare comes a new set of potential problems. Among these are vulnerability to new kinds of attacks, especially by small networked groups rather than traditional military units; increased dependence on resources outside the military's control; the loss of useful peacekeeping capabilities; and some thorny policy questions. The day that made many U.S. senior military leaders and analysts most uneasy during the Iraq War was March 23, when a U.S. maintenance unit got lost and wound up being ambushed. That same day, irregular enemy forces attacked supply lines and command and control points in several places the Coalition had already "captured" and moved beyond. While the events of that day proved to be an exception, a more organized and determined adversary might have done much more along those lines. In that case, the outcome would be more uncertain, and more difficult to attain. In addition to making the military potentially more vulnerable to attacks on supply and support, the lighter logistical "tail" means there are fewer trucks, truck drivers and other such non-combatant resources available at the end of hostilities to assist in the traditional peacekeeping and aid tasks that follow. This problem has already become apparent, at some political and strategic cost to the United States and its allies. Cordesman quoted Lt. Gen. William Wallace, commander of the V Corps, about Iraq's performance: "We should be careful at this point, however, because wars are kind of like good wine, they tend to get better with age. But it seems to me that regardless of whether Saddam still had a command-and-control apparatus in place toward the end, it continually took Iraqi forces a long time somewhere on the order of 24 hours to react to anything we did. By the time the enemy realized what we were doing, got the word out to his commanders and they actually did something as a result, we had already moved on to doing something different. For a commander, that's a pretty good thing fighting an enemy who can't react to you." Another potential problem involves battlefield damage assessment that is, knowing what effect one's actions have had on the enemy. In Iraq, unimpeded aerial and satellite surveillance and extensive Special Forces activity yielded consistently high-quality information. In a future conflict, with more interference from the opponent, this advantage could be decreased, thereby reducing the other advantages of information-based warfare. Arquilla and Ronfeldt introduced their "netwar" idea as a warning, not a description of opportunity. Their primary point was that a military increasingly dependent on information and communication is also increasingly vulnerable to attacks on those resources. This, too, is something future opponents might do much more effectively than Iraq did. Cordesman also cautioned against taking too much encouragement for future military activity from this success: "Military victory in Iraq is not a reason for American 'triumphalism,'" he explained. "No discussion of the Iraq War should ignore the continuing value of alliances and foreign bases. Equally, it should not ignore the value of decades of military relations and engagement with friendly Arab states, and the willingness of those states to support the U.S. even when they sometimes opposed the war or this presented serious political problems in terms of domestic political opinion. It is all too easy for the U.S. to be blinded by the beauty of its weapons and ignore these lessons. Regardless of force transformation and any new way of war, U.S. strength depends on coalitions, even when these are coalitions of the partly willing." "Ultimately," Cordesman concluded, "the U.S. must have the world's trust both to underpin its structure of alliances and to avoid creating a network of opposing military, political and economic alliances. Trust is not earned by new ways of war, but by justice and restraint." See the side story: The Air Force Modeling and Simulation Resource Repository References and Additional Reccommended Reading
Douglas A. Samuelson is president of InfoLogix, Inc., a consulting company in Annandale, Va. He is also an adjunct professor at The George Washington University and at the University of Pennsylvania, and an external research professor at the Krasnow Institute, George Mason University. OR/MS Today copyright © 2003 by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences. All rights reserved. Lionheart Publishing, Inc. 506 Roswell Rd., Suite 220, Marietta, GA 30060 USA Phone: 770-431-0867 | Fax: 770-432-6969 E-mail: lpi@lionhrtpub.com URL: http://www.lionhrtpub.com Web Site © Copyright 2003 by Lionheart Publishing, Inc. All rights reserved. |